EFT4 science task 3 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

EFT4 science task 3 - Essay Example re the best shield against sickness since they are effective in 85-99% of cases since they significantly lessen children’s risk of serious disease especially when given to masses thus providing an unsuitable environment and less opportunity for an illness to spread in such a population. According to CDC recommendations, they provide vaccines for seventeen preventable diseases which cater for children, infants, teenagers and adults. Vaccines work best when administered to children because of the high risk factors. Some products necessitate more than two doses to get the right antibody response for instance tetanus and diphtheria toxoids. The function of polysaccharide vaccines is emphasized when conjugated with a protein carrier by inducing the T lymphocyte which is a dependent immunological role. Live and attenuated virus vaccines stimulate the neutralizing of antibodies and cell mediated immunity resulting in prolonged immunity. Routine vaccination for children is scheduled for administration according to recommended ages and spacing between multi dose antigens doses to offer maximum protection. However the vaccination providers have a flexible option for certain situations such as fallback on schedule or international travel which use an accelerated schedule implemented through shorter spacing than the recommended ones though the end result is the same; protection for the child. A child after the first year of life could have gotten nine injections; pediatric diphtheria and tetanus toxoids and acellular pertussis [DTaP], varicella, hepatitis A, hepatitis B, inactivated poliovirus [IPV], pneumococcal conjugate vaccine [PCV], influenza, Hib and MMR vaccines. The number of injections has no specific limit so the vaccine provider can be flexible to make sure the administration of main doses does not have too many injections per visit. Administration of the hepatitis B and the triple dose of IPV can be given before the first birthday to lessen the number of

Effect of The Human Rights Act 1998

Effect of The Human Rights Act 1998 Section 3(1) of the Human Rights Act 1998 provides that: â€Å"So far as it is possible to do so, primary legislation and subordinate legislation must be read and given effect in a way which is compatible with the Convention rights.† Whilst this does not â€Å"affect the validity, continuing operation or enforcement of any incompatible primary legislation,† or â€Å"affect the validity, continuing operation or enforcement of any incompatible subordinate legislation,† national legislation must be completely incapable of being compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights for the Courts in the UK to deliver a ‘declaration of incompatibility, rather than to construe the legislation in favour of the party relying upon a Convention right. Regarding the interpretation of the Convention rights, section 2(1) of the Human Rights Act 1998 states: â€Å"A court or tribunal determining a question which has arisen in connection with a Convention right must take into account any (a) judgment, decision, declaration or advisory opinion of the European Court of Human Rights, (b) opinion of the Commission given in a report adopted under Article 31 of the Convention, (c) decision of the Commission in connection with Article 26 or 27(2) of the Convention, or (d) decision of the Committee of Ministers taken under Article 46 of the Convention, whenever made or given, so far as, in the opinion of the court or tribunal, it is relevant to the proceedings in which that question has arisen.† The Court has held that, when scrutinizing executive decisions and determining their complience with the Human Rights Act, section 2 of this Act compels them to take into account the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. However, it has been made clear that â€Å"The [courts] are not bound by the decisions of the European Court.† This was confirmed in the case of Boyd v The Army Prosecuting Authority. However, in the case of R v Secretary of the State for the Home Department, a case concerning an alledged breach of Article 8 of the ECHR; it was held, in reliance on the cases of Campbell v United Kingdom and R. v Secretary of the State for the Home Department (Ex p. Leech), that when assessing the validity of an executive action, the court must rule on the proportionality of the executive decision in question. Article 8(2) of the ECHR states: â€Å"There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.† The Queens Bench held that where an executive decision sought to infringe Article 8(1) of the ECHR, that an investigation into the proportionality of that decision is required by virtue of Article 8(2) of that Convention. From these recent case decisions it is immediately clear that the Human Rights Act 1998 has had a major impact on the pre-existing public law framework of the United Kingdom. The Courts are bound to interpret national legislation in accordance with the rights contained in the ECHR, even where this means that national legislation has to be interpreted beyond its literal or purposive scope, and the Courts have show increasing willingness to be influenced by European jurisprudence when interpreting the Convention. On top of this, it seems that the case of R v Secretary of the State for the Home Department has introduced ‘proportionality as a new grounds for commencing a judicial review of an exectuive decision. To this extent, the Human Rights Act 1998 must be considered a tenet of the constitution of the United Kingdom, at least to the extent that it impacts upon the scope of the legitimate powers of the executive. However, that being said, section 3(2) of the Human Rights Act and the interpretation of this section by the House of Lords in the case of R v A (No.2) does suggest that where the legislative enact legislation which purports to expressly limit the scope of a Convention right, the Courts are not entitled to rules in favour of a claimant, by reinterpreting that provision. Let us now ask ourselves an important question: For an Act to be constitutional surely it must be the case that the legislature cannot bypass its provisions, while it remains in force, simply by indicating its intent to do so, or acknowledging that it does so? Let us therefore turn to examine how the Courts deal with cases where legislation is completely incompatible with the rights conferred under the ECHR, or where the government have acknowledged that a new Bill is incompatible with the ECHR: In regards to incompatible legislation, section 4(2) of the Human Rights Act 1998 states: â€Å"If the court is satisfied that [a] provision is incompatible with a Convention right, it may make a declaration of that incompatibility.† Section 4(4) of the Act goes on to provide that: â€Å"If the court is satisfied- (a) that the provision is incompatible with a Convention right, and (b) that (disregarding any possibility of revocation) the primary legislation concerned prevents removal of the incompatibility, it may make a declaration of that incompatibility.† The effect of such a declaration, however, is neither to render that legislation invalid and ineffective, nor to provide the parties in the case with a form of redress, but rather to alert the executive that the legislation in question is incompatibe. Despite the fact that the Courts have made it clear that a declaration of incompatibility is a â€Å"last resort†, in order to argue that the Human Rights Act 1998 is a constitutional enactment, it must be shown that where the legislative have introduced legislation which is incompatible with its provisions, that they have acted beyond their constitutional powers. In regards to ‘statements of compatibility, it is clear that the legislature are legally entitled to enact a Bill without such a statement, as per s19(1)(b) of the 1998 Act. An example of such an Act is the Sexual Offences Act 2005. This must be deemed to undermine the UKs commitment to abiding by the rights enshrined in the ECHR. Earlier in this essay we have asked the question: For an Act to be constitutional surely it must be the case that the legislature cannot bypass its provisions, while it remains in force, simply by indicating its intent to do so, or acknowledging that it does so? In light of the fact that the Act does not impose any duty of action on the executive to amend incompatible legislation, nor to make sure legislation is compatible before it is enacted, it cannot be said to undermine the constitutional nature of this Act because the legislature are not acting outside of the scope of their powers in the legislation. If this argument is correct, then we must ask ourselves what characteristics of the Human Rights Act 1998 suggests that it ‘has found a place at the heart of the constitution of the United Kingdom? In the case of Thoburn v Sunderland City Council, Lord Justice Laws defined a ‘constitutional statute in the following terms: â€Å"In my opinion a constitutional statute is one which (a) conditions the legal relationship between citizen and State in some general, overarching manner, or (b) enlarges or diminishes the scope of what we would now regard as fundamental constitutional rights. (a) and (b) are of necessity closely related: it is difficult to think of an instance of (a) that is not also an instance of (b).† We have already seen how the Courts have used the Act to give significant force to the ECHR, interpreting legislation widely to give effect to the Convention rights, allowing decisions by public bodies to be challenged for being a disproportionate breach of Convention rights and only issuing declarations of incompatibility as a ‘last resort. These features of the Human Rights Act 1998 and the way it has been applied by the Courts certainly satisfies Lord Justice Laws definition. This supports the contention that the Human Rights Act 1998 is part of the constitution of the UK, but does not confirm whether it has truly found a place at the heart of the constitution. Let us now look at recent political developments that serve to undermine this assertion: In England there is currently much talk about the possibility of repealing the Human Rights Act. For example, in 2006 David Cameron made a public statement that the Conservatives would scrap, reform or replace the Human Rights Act unless the government [could] reach a memorandum of understanding to enable foreign criminals to be deported to their countries of origin†. [Guardian, May 12 2006]. Likewise, a recent Review of the Implementation of the Human Rights Act, stated: â€Å"it is worth considering briefly an option which has been subject to recent comment. This would be the option of repealing the Human Rights Act and enacting a separate set of fundamental rights which would not, in law, be connected to the European Convention on Human Rights. The suggestion is that these rights could be given some sort of entrenched or superior status in our constitution.† [DCA, 2006, p5]. These sources strongly imply that the Human Rights Act 1998 has not found a place in the heart of our constitution, despite there being little doubt about its constitutional nature. In the final section of this paper, let us turn our attention to the place of the Human Rights Act 1998 in the constitution of Scotland, and its prospects for the future in this devolved jurisdiction: In Scotland, the purposes of the Human Rights Act 1998 were given greater force by the introduction of the Scotland Act 1998. Section 29 of this Act states: â€Å"(1) An Act of the Scottish Parliament is not law so far as any provision of the Act is outside the legislative competence of the Parliament. (2) A provision is outside that competence so far as any of the following paragraphs apply (d) it is incompatible with any of the Convention rights or with Community law.† This goes much further than the Human Rights Act 1998 which allows UK Parliament to enact incompatible provisions as long as an assessment has been made in accordence with s19(1)(b) of the Act. Coupled with the recent enactment of the Scottish Commission for Human Rights Act 2006, which established the Scottish Commission for Human Rights, it seems clear that the ECHR has found a central place in the constitution of the devolved jurisdiction of Scotland. However, in response to the statement at the top of this paper, we can hardly say that these developments put the Human Rights Act at the heart of the constitution of the United Kingdom; after all, these developments do not pertain to the Human Rights Act 1998, except in so far as this Act is used to define the Convention rights which are to be adhered to by the Scottish executive. Conclusion In conclusion, whilst the Human Risghts Act 1998 can certainly be described as a constitution enactment, recent political developments in the UK which suggest that this Act might soon be repealed undermine the contention that the 1998 is ‘at the heart of the constitution of the United Kingdom. In Scotland, the Human Rights Act 1998 can only be said to be at the heart of the constitution to the extent that this Act is referred to by the Scotland Act 1998, an Act which goes much further in granting legal protection to scotish citizens for breaches of Convention rights than the 1998 Act.

Essay --

Field Of Innocence ? 27th September , 2013 Chennai : Little boys and girls , running around trees trying to catch up each other : this painting on the walls of the Juvenile Home in Kelly’s, Chennai holds no resemblance to the lives of the Juveniles In Conflict With Law ( JCL). A look at the boys here, uniformly dressed in blue, playing carrom would paint the picture of the government trying to provide a normal childhood to the juveniles. But, the cold stare the latter give visitors is proof of their innocence lost . â€Å" You better not cheat . I swear to God I will kill you â€Å",says one JCL to another . The fact that they’ve been â€Å"jailed† for crimes as severe as murder has not abated their aggression.To see 12 years olds talking about killing with so much conviction is disheartening. The procedure of charting out a JCL’s life in state run juvenile homes is on dazed grounds . â€Å"We’ve no control over the Juvenile Homes . We just catch the kids who’ve committed the crime and hand them over to the Social Welfare Department ( Defense) â€Å", says Shyamala Devi , Assistant Commisioner,Chennai...

Political marketing Essay

The cost of political marketing has been continually on the rise as campaigns grow to be more elaborate and extensive. The cost of advertising alone can cost a national candidate tens of millions of dollars, with local state candidates not lagging behind such figure. This amount is for commercials alone; added expenditures are surveys, exit polls, campaign paraphernalia, and countless other ‘necessary’ expenses. This, I believe, is both good and bad for democracy, but if I were forced to make a choice, I would advocate for election spending regulation, as an unchecked system can threaten our quality of democracy. The advantage of the limitless campaign spending is that it is in line with the democratic principle of unregulated participation. If more people and companies opt to support a candidate, then it is clearly a sign that such candidate is the preferred representative of the populace. In addition, the advantage of the incumbent, which is deemed to be at 15%, can prove to be an obstacle difficult to surpass for challengers who would start in the political field with marginal popularity and limited funds. Also, limiting campaign spending to promote democracy may be in itself paradoxical as the very act or regulation can be argued to violate certain democratic values, like free choice and participation. The clear disadvantage of unchecked campaign and political marketing spending is that it can lead to corruption of candidate and possible electoral victors. Big businesses and corporations would naturally expect payback for their contributions; hence the winning official would be in political debt at the very start of his tenure. Also, it does not promote a level playing field, where the most financially resourceful or those with their own money can have an unfair advantage over new players, who possibly are more qualified. The idea of democracy is equality of opportunities, and regulation does not mean that it is essentially undemocratic; in fact, campaign regulation promotes the values of fair competition and effective representation. Therefore, I support regulation of campaign spending.

Nation Convention On The Rights Of The Child Education Essay

United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child ( UNCRC ) creates the consciousness of the predicaments of kids in poorness or who are being discriminated against. Thus, issues refering to kids are given higher precedence during policy-making in international every bit good as national dockets. UNCRC recognizes the kid as an person who is entitled to his rights as a member of the community. It sets the basic criterions for local authoritiess to supply for and to protect the kids in footings of basic demands like wellness, nutrition, instruction and other facets. It was adopted by United Nations in 1989 as a tool to protect the best involvement of the kid and to guarantee that every kid enjoy equal rights to life, endurance and development. Since 1989, UNCRC has been adopted by all but two states. As states are obliged to do regular studies to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, the province authoritiess have moral duties to supply for the kids as stated by the UNCRC. State authoritiess are besides farther required to carry through certain demands when using for AIDSs from international bureaus. One of the conditions may be to supply for and to protect kids ( Bellamy, 2005: p.30 ) . In add-on, since the bend of the century, authorities organic structures and international bureaus have focused largely on the rights of kids. Most of the United Nations ( UN ) millenary development ends are focused on the realisation of the rights of kids, such as to convey kids out of poorness, rights to wellness, endurance and instruction ( Bellamy, 2005: p.8 ; Woodhead, 2007 as cited in Woodhead & A ; Moss, 2007 ) . Further to UNCRC avowal on rights of instruction, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child interprets instruction as kid ‘s right to larning and development which start from birth ( Woodhead, 2007 as cited in Woodhead & A ; Moss, 2007 ) . As such, much significance is given to Early Childhood Education and Care ( ECEC ) in policies development globally. Surveies have shown intercession in early childhood may be important for the development of a kid. Early childhood instruction and attention ( ECEC ) may be referred to high quality attention for immature kids from birth. It includes educating parents to supply and care for kids in the facets of wellness, nutrition, larning and development ( Annan, 2001: p.63 ) . An baby, from the twenty-four hours he is born, needs quality attention. Inadequate nutrition and unhealthy life conditions may adversely impact a kid ‘s development and ability to larn. As such, quality attention and instruction from birth may hold positive consequence on kids ability to larn ( Engle, 2009 as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ) . Children may hold equal opportunity to travel out of the poorness rhythm through early instruction as early intercessions may hold positive benefits in the long tally ( Grantham-McGregor, 2009 as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ; Rosemberg & A ; Pu ntch, 2003 ) . Through early intercessions, these kids may be exposed to values and cognition that may non be inculcated in their place. For illustration, they may larn societal and cognitive accomplishments which may be utile when they attend formal schooling. With the cognition and life accomplishments acquired in schools, they may be able to lend to their community. Therefore, ECEC may be utile tool for province authoritiess and international bureaus to protect act in the best involvements of the kid and to protect kid ‘s rights. Economic benefits may be generated from investings in ECEC. Governments and international bureaus invest in early childhood attention and instruction as the economic benefits generated from investing in ECEC will churn greater additions in the hereafter because it may take down wellness and societal hazards, like offense rates. Children who are gainfully engaged in acquisition may be able to lend to the economic system in future. Foreign investors may put in a state if there are skilled workers who are able to work in their industries. Investing in kids will supply them with the necessary accomplishments to pull investings and to hike the economic system of the state ( Barnett as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ) . In conformity to the non-discrimination rule in UNCRC, all kids may be given equal opportunities in life. Governments and international bureaus may be committed to guarantee all kids have the same rights to instruction. Every kid may hold a right to instruction as kids will larn cardinal values like moral and ethical values, acceptable attitudes in community every bit good as basic accomplishments. For illustration, if kids populating in poorness are non educated, they may non be able to achieve cognition to assist them travel out of the poorness rhythm. There are different ECEC programmes to provide to the demands of peculiar community of kids. In developing states, female parents may necessitate to be educated on taking attention of their kids. For illustration, the mother-child instruction programme in Turkey provides others support for female parents in footings of kid wellness issues. Mothers are taught to take attention of their kids and educates female parents on kid wellness, rearing accomplishments every bit good as to back up kid ‘s development ( Annan, 2001 ; Bekman, 2009 as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ) . In developed states where wellness attention are more advanced, the kids may necessitate support in holistic development. In United Kingdom, the effectual pre-school and primary instruction prepare kids for primary schools ( Sylva, 2009 as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ) Surveies have shown that the more effectual programmes include all facets such as wellness, nutrition and development every bit good as parental and community engagement. Nimnicht ( 2009 ) as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead ( 2009 ) concur intercession programme for kids may be effectual if they is active engagement from all the stakeholders such as familes, communities and the regulating organic structures. This is in the instance of PROMESA in Columbia, whereby the households and communities are actively involved in the programmes. As such, UNCRC may do a difference if there are commitment and active engagement from regulating organic structures, international bureaus, communities and households to advance kid ‘s right ( Woodhead, 2009 as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ) . It may be disputing to supply quality early childhood attention and instruction to battle poorness. The province of kids ‘s wellness and development are adversely affected in kids populating in poorness. The relevancy of early childhood theoretical accounts, societal and cultural context, co-ordination within households, communities and authorities organic structures play an of import function in developing appropriate intercession programme to assist kids in poorness ( Woodhead, 2006 ; Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ) . For illustration, in the instance of a developed state, like USA, one of the aims of ECEC is to enable adult females to hold equal engagement in the work force and to enable kids to larn and socialise ( Penn, 2005 ) . As early intercession to control poorness may non be the chief precedence, ECEC is left to private operators which result in inequalities in quality of programme ( Tayler, 2009 as cited in Siraj-Blatchford & A ; Woodhead, 2009 ) . Inequality of quality and entree as private sectors tend to provide to the flush and non put up in poorer parts of the states. For illustration, in USA, ECEC is left to single suppliers so the quality of attention and instruction is variable and there is unjust entree to these services ( Penn, 2005 ) . Individual suppliers are besides more likely to put up ECEC Centres in urban countries and this may be incompatible with the authorities purpose to supply quality instruction for all kids. In the instance of a underdeveloped state, like Malawi, the ECEC set up in rural countries are community-based with hapless plan and unqualified staff. Policies develop at national degree may non be implemented consequently at land degree due to miss of resources. There may be unqualified instructors, irrelevant course of study every bit good as deficiency of support from the households and community. For illustration, the kids may necessitate to work to back up the households. In some instances where there is AIDS in the households, they may be ostracized by the communities and hence ECEC programmes may non be accessible to them ( Clark & A ; Tucker, 2010 ) . As such, the effectivity of early childhood instruction and attention may non be positive and therefore kids in some of the poorest states may non profit from UNCRC. In the twelvemonth 2000, UN millenary development ends were established to better the societal and economic conditions of developing states ( Bellamy, 2005 ) . Majority of the ends were related to kids and are expected to be achieved by 2015. Some of these ends include cut downing poorness, bettering wellness and life conditions, primary instruction, gender equality and households. However, statistics have shown that there has non been much betterment since these ends were set. Childs are still populating in poorness and hapless wellness. Diseases such as HIV, TB and malaria are prevailing ( Bellamy, 2005 ) . International bureaus have been working with some of the poorest states to guarantee that precedences of international AIDSs go to kids for wellness and development. These strategies have non been successful due to hapless co-operation between province and local authoritiess and the communities ( Bellamy, 2005 ) . Although many states have become more flush in the last decennary, the hapless still remain hapless as the spread between the rich and hapless states widen. This may be due to worsen in international AIDSs, struggles and war every bit good as to inappropriate usage of supports province authoritiess. Therefore kids in poorness may still be populating in hapless conditions ( Annan, 2001 ) . UNCRC may be an international jurisprudence, besides, the legal legal power in the states which have adopted it, it calls upon the moral duties by province authorities for enforcement ( Annan, 2001 ) . In order for UNCRC to do a difference to kids, province authoritiess and international bureaus must be committed puting kids in first precedence. All determinations in nation-building every bit good as economic growing should be considered with the rights of kids in head. In add-on, all stakeholders, such as, international bureaus, authorities organic structures, communities, households and kids need to play their portion in accomplishing the aims set by UNCRC.